INTRODUCTION

• Overview
• Paper Organization
• Methodology

Overview

                For over four years, school-to-work has been a highly publicized and much debated education reform strategy in the United States. Driven primarily by a growing fear during the 1980s that American youth were not prepared to succeed in a rapidly changing world, the reform sought to expose students to a more complete educational experience that combined academic and technical training. In addition to mastering a rigorous academic curriculum, students would gain the ability to apply their academic knowledge in proactive and innovative workplaces that utilize advanced technology and offer new opportunities of a global economy. Originally considered a reform that would be most helpful for high school students who were headed straight into the workplace upon graduation, school-to-work gained its most ardent critics and fans as it evolved into a reform that included, indeed required, the participation of all students.

                Guided by the principles of the School-to-Work Opportunities Act of 1994, the movement has become the cornerstone of an ambitious national initiative for systemic education reform. Federal legislation not only encouraged local communities and states to change the way they educate all students but gave them the latitude to design their own systems to reflect regional needs. The school-to-work systems were to include three components: (1) school-based learning, (2) work-based learning, and (3) connecting activities. In addition, the systems were to integrate academic and vocational education, link secondary and postsecondary education, provide learning opportunities at the worksite, and fully involve the private sector. All in all, school-to-work was designed as a strategy that offers all students the opportunity to learn the way many experts feel they learn best--through the application of academic concepts to real-world situations. Proponents of the reform believe that every student can benefit from learning about careers and can do so without sacrificing the achievement of high levels of academic skills.

Problems with Acceptability
            While igniting enthusiasm around the country, much of the effort surrounding the school-to-work movement over the past few years has focused on the need to distance it from vocational education and its many negative stereotypes.[1] In seeking to make school-to-work reform "acceptable" for all students, proponents have voiced one primary message--career awareness and exposure can benefit students who plan to enter the workplace directly out of high schools to the same degree as students who set out for college with a particular career goal. Indeed, proper information and background regarding the skills and knowledge required to become a productive member of society is necessary for all students regardless of when or how they plan to enter the workforce. Thus, the idea or promotion of school-to-work activities for the college-bound student does not appear as abstruse as many believe. If high academically achieving, college-bound students, their academic teachers, their parents, and the postsecondary institutions to which they apply could be educated to understand and appreciate the benefits of school-to-work, its connection with vocational education would be minimized if not eliminated. If these groups could accept the idea that school-to-work enhances the academic performance and motivation of all students, the reform would have fewer obstacles to overcome as it moves into the mainstream.

Problems with Accountability
            School-to-work proponents also have to contend with accountability issues--ensuring that students are responsible for the same academic rigor/demands as those required in traditional pathways. In addition, school-to-work systems must ensure that participating students perform equally well (if not better) on both traditional and new, more application-oriented assessments. Without a proven track record of results, parents and even students themselves are justifiably hesitant to offer themselves as guinea pigs when future educational and career options are at stake. Maintaining high levels of student performance while reforms are being developed and instituted is an obstacle that promises to confront reformers as they attempt to promote school-to-work among the mainstream or college-bound population. Moving from the old system of content-centered standards and assessment to a new system of application-oriented instruction and evaluation may cause a temporary dip in the productivity of students. Such a performance dip threatens any potential for school-to-work to become a credible alternative to traditional education modes. Students who customarily score high on traditional exams such as the SAT and ACT are not accustomed to taking activity-based exams that may involve skills such as teamwork and creativity. Reformers must convince teachers, parents, and students that they have their "feet well planted" and can be held accountable before skeptics will make changes that affect students' lives and futures.

Problems with Postsecondary Access
            Before skeptics can be convinced that school-to-work offers a viable education for all students, the system must offer students access to the same (or an even greater) variety of postsecondary options as traditional academic programs. As is the case with many current education programs that are closely tied to "vocational education," many school-to-work students are only offered limited post-graduation options such as community colleges or trade schools. Students that deviate from the normal "Carnegie Unit" curriculum and/or fail to participate in traditional assessments are often not even considered for acceptance into "top" universities. Reformers must work to convince individuals in higher education that the knowledge gained by participation in school-to-work programs is at least equal to that gained in traditional academic courses by using some sort of performance-based comparisons that postsecondary educators find valid. Postsecondary educators must be convinced that students involved in the school-to-work system can thrive in traditional educational environments to the same extent that they thrive in contemporary, application-oriented environments. Parents and students themselves will be more prone to lend their support to school-to-work if adequate post-graduation options are accessible to school-to-work students.

                The overall purpose of this paper is to provide readers with solid examples of how local and state educators have begun creating environments that encourage the participation of all students in school-to-work experiences. All of the systems and programs highlighted in this paper appear cognizant of the problems associated with moving school-to-work into the mainstream: accountability, acceptability and postsecondary access. They are all working to overcome these obstacles in creative, cohesive, and innovative ways. Some of the environments mentioned below have progressed well beyond infancy; others are only beginning their journey towards meaningful change. In some cases, educators proudly refer to their activities in a school-to-work context. In other cases, educators shy away from using school-to-work terminology that often limits broad-based reform efforts. What unifies all of the efforts that are discussed below is their willingness to work within the current system in order to expand the opportunity for all students to participate in a more application-oriented educational environment that uses what have come to be known as school-to-work strategies.

Paper Organization

                Commonly, terms such as school-based learning, work-based learning, and connecting activities are used to describe school-to-work. However, this usage may actually keep school-to-work within the traditional vocational education framework, exacerbate the misperceptions surrounding it, and, thus, keep the reform from moving into the mainstream. In January of 1997, the Institute on Education and the Economy (IEE), with funding from the National Center for Research in Vocational Education and the IBM Corporation, published a document entitled School-to-Work for the College Bound (Bailey & Merritt, 1997)to address many of the issues that may have thwarted the movement of school-to-work into the mainstream. The authors concentrated on three broad, commonly misconceived principles that the reform seeks to promote: (1) authentic teaching and learning, (2) guided experiences that take place outside the classroom, and (3) career and interest exploration.

Authentic Teaching and Learning
            Over the last decade, support has grown for the development and implementation of student-centered teaching strategies that more fully engage students and teachers in the learning process. Through a more authentic mode of learning, students are required to think independently, develop in-depth understandings, and apply academic learning to important real-world problems (Newmann & Wehlage, 1995). Academic teachers and students who excel in traditional academic courses can benefit from this learning strategy to the same extent as vocational teachers and students. Teachers are given the latitude to work alongside their students and create new and current curricula based on student need and interest. Students who are often disengaged with the rote learning required in traditional courses have an opportunity to bring their interests into the classroom and take responsibility for their learning. Although few would dispute the overall benefits of a learner-centered approach to education, the approach is not free of skeptics who question the efficiency and effectiveness of a system that encourages students to construct their own knowledge, often at their own pace. Although authentic projects allow students to work together and/or alone and develop an understanding of complex situations and the value of learning, skeptics question whether ample material can be covered so that students score well on traditional exams. In addition, many individuals question the need to focus educational efforts on the construction of knowledge if institutions of higher learning are not interested. At the very least and in the initial phases of reform, authentic teaching and learning can work in tandem with traditional learning and teaching strategies to offer students a richer and deeper education. Its greatest potential, however, lies in the ability to capture the interest and motivation of disaffected students, be they high or low academic achievers.

Experience Outside the Classroom
            Inspired by the perceived success of the German youth apprenticeship model, reformers have struggled for decades to promote the benefits of organized, guided work experience, internships, or mentoring relationships outside the classroom. The use of a workplace or industry context can become a motivational tool for all students by demonstrating the value of academic and technical knowledge. Learning applications become real and not contrived; connections strengthen the amount of knowledge that is learned, understood, and retained (Packer & Pines, 1996). Despite the fact that work experience is required as part of the formal training of physicians, lawyers, and professors, many still doubt the benefits of this type of education for high school students--especially those with college aspirations. Indeed, as many professionals have come to realize, effective practitioners must create knowledge and put that knowledge to use--a skill that requires the appropriate experience to gain proficiency. There is tremendous potential for all students who are exposed to experiences outside the classroom if they are allowed to bring those experiences into the classroom for further discussion, application, and development.

Career and Interest Exploration
            Often misconceived as an attempt to prematurely and irrevocably "push" students toward one occupation, career exploration can offer students an opportunity to digest realistic information and think systematically about careers that relate to their interests and aptitudes. These opportunities are particularly important for students before they start college, not only in terms of assuring that the prerequisite and requisite courses are taken but making students aware of the difficulties and demands of certain careers. Career exploration requires additional time and expertise from school staff such as guidance counselors and even classroom teachers. As the school-to-work model stresses, however, career exploration can make school real and enjoyable for students as they experience the potential for integrating their aspirations and outside interests (even athletics and music) into their academic program.

                Bailey and Merritt's (1997) discussion blended theory with application to illustrate how the above principles are embodied in the school-to-work philosophy. The report sought to demonstrate how school-to-work can be used to teach academic skills as well as and possibly even better than more traditional approaches and better prepare students for higher levels of education and competitive careers.

                This report takes those principles one step further. It uses them as a framework for presenting some of the strategies that are used by high-quality school-to-work systems and programs around the country. Many school-to-work efforts have been able to incorporate authentic teaching and learning strategies, guided experiences outside the classroom, and career and interest exploration into the educational activities of a wide variety of students--including those who plan to attend competitive four-year colleges. These schools, districts, and states provide excellent examples of how school-to-work principles have been able to move further into the mainstream and reach a more diverse group of students, teachers, parents, employers, and postsecondary institutions. Those involved in the school-to-work movement have configured their effort, often in creative and innovative ways, to offer students educational experiences that make academics more applicable and lead to or enhance the possibility of college acceptance and completion.

                This report is divided into three sections. In the first section, the strategies that individual schools and states have used to promote authentic teaching and learning will be discussed. Because many education and workplace standards, apart from any influence by the school-to-work movement, have been transformed to promote an application-orientation, we discuss state standards and how they are being used in many local and state school-to-work efforts to promote reform. How local and state school-to-work efforts are moving slowly, yet deliberately, to develop a strong and wide-reaching understanding and use of authentic teaching and learning will also be investigated. The notion of "guided work experiences outside the classroom" as a way of reducing fears, among some constituencies, that school-to-work programs are "vocational" will be discussed in the second section. Some programs accomplish this task by working with constituencies such as science and business disciplines that have a long-standing history of work-based learning experiences. Others use professional development as a way to establish partnerships with the academic community and employers. Assessment issues will also be discussed. The ways in which programs use career and interest exploration to minimize the disconnection between traditional academic courses and the world beyond the school walls will be explored in the third section. This part of the report shows how a number of programs have included career exploration without a radical overhaul of the curriculum. Programs do this by (1) integrating career concepts into required courses, or (2) redefining elective courses so students can make their own choices. The third section also illustrates how many programs have been successful in avoiding the differentiation of students as "school-to-work students." Each section in this report will be followed by a chart that summarizes the systems and programs discussed and indicates how these systems and programs minimize the obstacles of bringing school-to-work into the mainstream.

Methodology

                The data collected for this project comes primarily from telephone interviews with local school-to-work coordinators and state school-to-work officials. Although there are successful school-to-work programs in all states, IEE researchers focused their data-gathering efforts on sixteen states--Colorado, Florida, Indiana, Iowa, Kentucky, Maryland, Massachusetts, Nebraska, New Hampshire, New York, North Carolina, Oklahoma, Pennsylvania, Vermont, Washington, and West Virginia. While not random choices, these states do cover a cross-section of the U.S. population, representing small and large states dispersed throughout the country.

                In telephone interviews, representatives from State Departments of Education were asked a series of questions regarding the history of school-to-work in their state, the involvement of postsecondary institutions in school-to-work reform, implementation of new standards and assessment tools, and professional development activities. State officials were also asked to recommend school-to-work programs that succeeded in sending students to four-year universities. School-to-work coordinators at these programs were interviewed by telephone in the same manner as state representatives. Program staff members were asked to discuss the aspects of their programs that led to the successful transition of students from high school to four-year institutions as well as the barriers that participation in school-to-work programs have placed upon students who pursue college admission. (See the project's interview protocol in Appendix 1; Appendix 2 contains a list of the programs and individuals contacted.) They were also asked for supporting documentation regarding their programs.[2]

               [1] See Grubb and Lazerson (1974) for a history of vocational education and a discussion of the negative stigma that has plagued vocational education since its inception.

               [2] The authors feel it important to mention the overall intention of this study--to present examples of school-to-work efforts that are working to promote the integration of all students. In doing so, the authors attempt to provide enough supporting documentation in the form of contact names and phone numbers to allow further investigation and gathering of empirical data if readers are so inclined. To the extent possible, the authors used supporting documentation but were cognizant of the lack of such information.