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Hull, G. (1992). "Their Chances? Slim and None":An Ethnographic Account of the Experiences of Low-Income People of Color in a Vocational Program and at Work (MDS-155). Berkeley: National Center for Research in Vocational Education, University of California.
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RECOMMENDATIONS: MAKING SOMETHING BETTER THAN NOTHING
Here are some suggestions for reorganization and reform in both the community
college vocational program and the workplace. Although the program in Banking
and Finance and banks as workplaces are addressed specifically, I believe the
recommendations will hit home for other short-term, narrowly focused job
training programs and will be relevant to students who are women and/or people
of color in such programs.
I turn first to the short-term improvements that could be made in vocational
programs like Banking and Finance:
| * | | | Match job placement to students' aspirations.
There was often a serious mismatch between students' aspirations and the jobs
they got. Many students dreamed of professional careers, and almost all of
those who planned to work in banks thought they would be working as tellers
rather than proof-operators. The banks involved seemed to expect to hire most
students as proof-operators; indeed, interviews and testing for this job were
conducted on campus. Jobs as tellers or other positions seemed to be more hit
or miss; when there was a vacancy, the instructor might be told, or perhaps
not. If a community college vocational program is going to serve local
corporations so directly, training students for specific jobs, then it seems
reasonable to expand the range of positions that students can reasonably expect
to apply for. This would perhaps mean lengthening the program and broadening
its scope, issues I address below. I think every effort should be made, not to
shape students' aspirations to fit the bank jobs that are most abundant, but to
provide opportunities for students to acquire the experiences and training they
need to get the jobs they want.
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| * | | | Attend to job retention as well as job placement.
It is quite obvious from the relatively high placement rate and the quite low
retention rate that students from the vocational program are getting hired but
are rarely keeping their jobs beyond two to six months. The instructor usually
loses touch with students after they leave the program except through random
news brought by their friends or coworkers. Thus, when things go awry at
work--when students are having trouble with tardiness or making
production--they have no counsel and no intermediary. This is especially the
case since, of course, there is no union. There needs to be serious attention
to follow-up--regular meetings with new workers at the job site and regular
discussions with supervisors. Vocational education for "at-risk" adults cannot
end with the end of the semester.
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| * | | | Broaden narrow skills training.
The Banking and Finance program is an example par excellence of a training
program whose curricula fit exactly and narrowly the needs of an employer.
Obviously this focus serves the current needs of the employer but certainly not
the long-term and perhaps not even the short-term interests of the students.
Jobs as proof-operators will likely give way to mechanization and are being
deskilled even now. One way to broaden the program in a way that would serve
students is, as I just mentioned, to make sure that students are able to train
and apply for positions other than proof-operator. I am also supportive of the
administration's attempts to introduce theory into the program in hopes of
enabling some students to complete an associate's degree and eventually
transfer to a four-year college.
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| * | | | Update available technologies.
The program owned one old proof machine which was cantankerous and unreliable,
so students got very little practice with this specialized machine, despite the
fact that most students got jobs as proof-operators. (In some follow-up
interviews, students mentioned the desirability of more practice on these
machines prior to being hired.) There were no computer terminals or any
training with computer technology, despite the fact that banks increasingly
depend on electronic media, and that all tellers now operate such equipment.
Incorporating experience with these technologies would likely increase
students' chances of getting a wider range of banking jobs.
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| * | | | Integrate literacy instruction into the vocational program.
I have discussed in detail in a previous section the sorts of literacy
instruction that might be incorporated into a vocational program. Here I will
simply say again that, while the reading and writing required to work as a
proof-operator were limited, students were stymied by the reading and problem
solving required on screening tests, and if they are planning to advance in
banking, competency at reading and writing would be required. I believe that
literacy instruction should be based partially on occupation-specific reading
and writing activities, but should go well beyond these, and should include
extended reading and writing for personal purposes as well as "critical"
literacy.
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| * | | | Coordinate vocational and academic offerings.
The vocational teacher said again and again that he did not teach reading. It
was clear that there was virtually no coordination between the banking program
and programs on campus which did provide literacy instruction. I do not think
the solution is merely to shuttle students who need to brush up on math or to
gain experience in writing over to remedial classes. There is a stigma
associated with such classes, and there is no guarantee that they will offer
instruction in literacy that will serve students well. Instead, there is much
evidence to the contrary. I recommend that literacy specialists work with
vocational teachers to design reading, writing, and math activities that grow
out of vocational concerns and occur as part of the vocational program. There
is a great need for "model curricula"--not materials that can be duplicated and
used exactly in another program, but materials that can serve as innovative
examples of what might be done to integrate literacy instruction with
vocational training.
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| * | | | Extend short-term program.
The recommendations I have made above cannot be implemented in a short-term
program where some students stay six weeks, many two months, and only a few for
a whole semester. The problem here, of course, is that the big draw of a
short-term program is immediate employment. However, the advantages associated
with such a program evaporate when students lose their jobs just as quickly as
they get them, as we have demonstrated was the case for students in Banking and
Finance. I believe that for most students to learn the things they will need
for long-term employment, the program should last at least a semester.
However, a more radical reorganization would be to design a course of study
that gave students training in a cluster of vocations, with satellite courses
on literacy and other "academic" subject matters, in lieu of short-term
training in only one occupation. It was clear that many students came to
Banking and Finance, not because they had a burning desire to work in a bank,
but because they needed to get a job. Exposure to a variety of occupations
might serve students better than short-term training, or even intensive
training, in one area. To make this kind of reorganization viable, however, we
must find some way to deal with the material circumstances of students who
desperately need to work and cannot afford to take off extended time for
training.
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The above recommendations for the most part deal with changes in the
curriculum and organization of a vocational program within a community college,
but I think there needs to be reform at work as well. A long time ago, John
Dewey was concerned that secondary vocational education not merely "'adapt'
workers to the existing industrial regime." "I am not sufficiently in love
with the regime for that," he wrote. Dewey thought that, rather, we should
work for "a kind of vocational education which will first alter the existing
industrial system, and ultimately transform it" (quoted in Lazerson &
Grubb, 1974, p. 37). Reform at work may be an old topic, but it remains a
crucial one and an issue that all educators, not just vocational teachers, need
to confront. It is not enough to twist and shape vocational courses or
literacy programs to suit the specialized needs of industry and business, or
more positively, to search for ways around the constraints and the less than
desirable conditions of many forms of work. Given the interest taken these
days by businesses and corporations in partnerships and collaborations with
schools, there is perhaps a window of opportunity to influence, or at least to
air, conceptions of work and workplace organization which take advantage of and
support human ability and potential. (One step in this direction is
America's Choice: High Skills or Low Wages! [National Center on
Education and the Economy, 1990]. Although I do not agree with all of the
recommendations of this report, I do support both its assessment that
insufficient skills are not the problem and its call for a reorganization of
work.)
| * | | | Invest in long-term employment.
The proof-center that I studied was designed for turnover. In fact, one
manager saw her job as dependent on a revolving door policy. Thus, no
provisions were made to assist the predominantly female and minority workforce
in keeping their jobs--rules were not bent, for example, when single mothers
were late because of child-care responsibilities--and virtually no guidance was
available to help workers advance in the corporation or even to move
laterally. It is hard not to view this kind of job, as it is currently
defined, as merely exploitative. But it would be possible for the corporation
to invest in its workforce over the long-term, as I outline below.
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| * | | | Decentralize production tasks and diversify front-line
workers' responsibilities.
By everyone's admission, operating a proof-machine is stressful and deadening
work. In fact, this job is so stressful and intense that proof-centers prefer
part-time employees who do not work many hours a day; this way they "get the
most out of workers." Ironically, at the same time as banks have moved to
centralize these "low-level" jobs, some corporations (and banks, too, in terms
of other operations) are considering a move (or being urged to consider it; see
National Center on Education and the Economy, 1990) to decentralize work and to
give more and more diverse responsibility to front-line workers. Not only are
such changes expected to improve efficiency and profitability, but they also
work against the ghettoization that occurs when certain routine tasks are
lumped together and offered as reasonable employment to desperate people. (I
recall a conversation with a bank executive from an eastern city during an
airport cab ride. This high-level executive, who had worked in banking all his
career, did not even know what proof-operators were.)
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| * | | | Provide child-care services.
The most pressing work-related problem for many women is child care. It is
either nonexistent or the services are exorbitantly expensive. The provision
of on-site, low-cost child-care facilities would make it possible for many
women to work irregular hours and also would solve many instances of
absenteeism and tardiness.
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| * | | | Create opportunities for full-time employment.
One of the ironies for many students in the Banking and Finance program was
that they could not live on the part-time salaries that were available to
proof-operators. I frequently heard stories from bank personnel of housewives
who wanted part-time work, and that is fine, but the people in the Banking and
Finance program need a full-time salary if they are ever to escape welfare
dependence. There needs to be a range of jobs, some part-time but most
full-time, with attendant benefits. Hiring people who cannot possibly live on
the available wage is simply unproductive for all concerned. But rather than
look to another part-time labor pool, such as college students, I would urge
the more socially responsible policy of decreasing part-time jobs and creating
opportunities for full-time employment.
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| * | | | Create career paths and make them visible.
Many women and minorities are being pushed off whatever career ladder exists in
banking simply because opportunities have decreased for advancement through
on-the-job training and experience. As far as those people who are hired as
proof-operators from the Banking and Finance program are concerned, the notion
of advancement is so remote as to be almost laughable. These workers are not
normally viewed as having the potential for promotion to higher levels. But
one can imagine ways to encourage these workers to make banking a career--for
example, by broadening their orientation and training to include a more
comprehensive picture of what the world of banking is about, by making explicit
what the "next step up" would be and what kinds of qualifications are needed
for that move, and by subsidizing needed college courses.
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| * | | | Admit educators and researchers to the work sites.
Educators in general, not just vocational educators, need to know what the work
world is like; they need to experience a variety of kinds of work, if not
firsthand, at least through a grand tour. Without this kind of knowledge, we
all have our heads in the sand, preparing students in our classrooms for a work
world we are only vaguely acquainted with. Something similar applies to
educational researchers, who traditionally have kept their hands clean of
industries and corporations, focusing their investigations on the classroom and
school, no matter that classrooms and schools supposedly prepare children for
another world. However, one of the roadblocks for both teachers and
researchers who would understand work is the inaccessibility of workplaces. It
is not at all easy, we have found (cf. Kusterer, 1978) to attain entry to a
work world, much less to study it in depth. Thus, I urge educators and
educational researchers to acquire knowledge of workplaces, and I urge leaders
of business and industry to facilitate the acquisition of that knowledge by
opening their doors.
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To these specific recommendations for reorganization and reform in vocational
education and the workplace, I would add the following more general
observations about the implications of this study for thinking about schooling,
work, and the experiences and chances of our students. The study reveals a
harsher world than some of us are accustomed to--a world where education holds
out false promises, where work is monotonous and uncertain, where the workplace
is autocratic and punitive, where the chances of those who are most in need
are "slim and none." I think one common and understandable response to such
harshness is to treat it as an anomaly, a rare and extreme departure from the
norm for schooling and work. But such a response prevents us from examining
the extent to which the harsh realities visible in the lives of Jackie and Alma
and their friends are present as well, if not so visibly, in the lives of
others elsewhere. The study provides the starkest of demonstrations of social
reproduction. This does not mean, however, that the process does not occur in
other classrooms, other educational institutions, and other workplaces; rather,
it simply may not be quite so obvious. (A conversation with Urvashi Sahni
helped me understand the value of studying situations that may seem extreme
cases for what those situations force us to see or to consider in other
settings [Sahni, 1992].) The study brings to light a job which is rapidly
being deskilled and a workplace where workers enjoy precious few rights and
benefits. However, instead of dismissing this job as merely an anachronism, as
a temporary curiosity in a high-tech, high-skilled world, we need to continue
to ask just how prevalent "unskilled" and "deskilled" jobs are. (Indeed, we
might find ourselves increasingly pressed to ask how prevalent new jobs of any
variety are.) Similarly, instead of looking with a disbelieving eye on the
working mother who gets fired for being three minutes late, we need to
investigate how often democracy really does stop at the workplace door. We
need to find out how often, and to think hard about why, the workers therein
turn out to be predominately low-income women and people of color.
Let us end by considering again one of Mr. Parker's favorite sayings, one of
his favorite summations of the Banking and Finance program. Mr. Parker often
told me, when I expressed dismay at the jobs students got and the brief amount
of time they kept them, that "something is better than nothing." This comment
haunted me, for I knew very well what he meant. Many of the students in Mr.
Parker's program did appear to lack support, confidence, and prospects--and in
that way something really was better than nothing. For a time the students
experienced Mr. Parker's support, they grew in self-confidence, and they got
work, however briefly, in a big corporation. But I came to believe, in the
course of my research, that Mr. Parker's modus operandi--"something is better
than nothing"--framed the problem in the wrong way. Instead of assuming that
the "something" the students get is their only possible alternative to
"nothing," we need to find alternate pathways, different, more helpful, and
humane ways of assisting people in vocational education and work, of improving
their life chances. Instead of offering patchwork solutions--such as focusing
solely on building up the literacy skills of the American workforce--we need to
examine the pathways that are and are not provided from education to work as
well as the conditions of work. We need to insure that survival is not an
issue, indeed, that the "something" we are prepared and able to offer is a
great deal more.
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Hull, G. (1992). "Their Chances? Slim and None":An Ethnographic Account of the Experiences of Low-Income People of Color in a Vocational Program and at Work (MDS-155). Berkeley: National Center for Research in Vocational Education, University of California.
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