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| Grubb, W. N., Kalman, J., Castellano, M., Brown, C., & Bradby, D. (1991). Readin', writin' and 'rithmetic one more time: The role of remediation in vocational education and job training (MDS-309). Berkeley: National Center for Research in Vocational Education, University of California. |
DIRECTIONS FOR FUTURE POLICY
Every director of a remedial program whom we interviewed forecast an increasing
demand for remedial education. They expect a continued expansion of
developmental education in community colleges and continued pressure on the
adult education system. The JTPA program has begun to emphasize longer-term
training for the most disadvantaged individuals, so JTPA administrators also
predict the need for more basic skills training. Most welfare-to-work programs
have found greater academic deficiencies than they predicted, so welfare
administrators also see a need for more remediation than the system is
currently providing. Most forecast a continuing increase in the students
leaving high school who are unprepared for the labor force. The "new
demographics"--the increase in children born in poverty, the relative increase
in minority children, and the continued immigration of people from the
non-English-speaking counties of Asia and Latin America, all increasing the
population in need of adult education--is now consistently cited as another
source of demand. The furor over rates of illiteracy also suggests that there
is a great deal of hidden or latent demand for adult education and the
discovery of new forms of illiteracy--now with debates over "workplace
literacy"--bolsters that opinion. If administrators of remedial programs were
entrepreneurs in a conventional market, they would be ecstatic about the
booming demand. As it is, they face increasing demand with dwindling
resources--and the future looks pretty dismal.
Clearly, then, the direction of remedial education is far from academic. The
current system of programs spends large sums and enrolls large numbers of
individuals to achieve results which are uncertain at best, and nonexistent at
worst. Continuing to expand the current system without substantial changes in
the way the system operates seems foolhardy. In this section, then, we propose
some directions that policy might take, concentrating on federal issues. Since
federal policy often shapes state practice, especially in the areas of
vocational education, job training, and welfare, we expect that changes in the
federal role will influence state policy as well. If nothing else, the federal
government can play a role in research, evaluation, and the analysis of
alternative directions for remedial education that can influence state and
local developments.[62]
In thinking about future directions, it is helpful to consider two different
kinds of issues. The first includes those that can be addressed now--with
current institutions, practices, and levels of funding. The second includes
those problems that are much larger in scope, problems that call for
fundamental changes in the institutions providing K-12, adult, and remedial
education and substantial increases in funding that may seem unattainable for
now. Unfortunately, the issues we have included in the second set include the
most basic questions of purpose, so the way we have posed issues may seem
backwards. However, we think it important to begin the process of re-examining
and reforming the current system of remediation rather than remaining paralyzed
by the impossibility of the task; so we begin with some relatively simple steps
that could still provide the foundation for more substantial changes later.
Given the existing resources and institutions that provide remedial education,
there are three kinds of reform that can be undertaken without substantial
increases in resources or institutional reconstruction. The first involves
coordination. In one sense, we see a great deal of coordination in the
existing system of remediation. Even though most communities have a large
number of basic skill providers, there is little outright duplication, partly
because the demand is so great and the needs of potential students are so
varied that every program can find its own niche. There is also a great deal
of referral among programs, especially from federally funded programs with
constrained resources--JTPA and welfare programs--to the largely
state-supported programs in adult education and community colleges, which are
more likely to have open-ended funding based on attendance. But rather than
being a source of comfort, the current patterns of coordination are worrisome
because of the lack of mechanisms to follow individuals among programs; from
the viewpoint of individuals, the system probably appears random, unplanned,
and poorly articulated. That is, the coordination through referral that now
takes place does not ensure that individuals receive the services they need.
Until there are better ways of tracking students--to see whether they do enroll
in a program to which they are referred, complete the program, and then return
for job skills training--the current referral system must be considered a black
hole into which individuals disappear, never to return to the education and
training system.
We are also concerned with the inattention to the quality and effectiveness of
the programs to which individuals are referred. We found almost no instances
in which programs have any information about even the crudest measures of
quality (such as completion rates) of the remedial programs to which they refer
individuals. Indeed, even those using their own resources for
remediation--like many JTPA and welfare programs--have consistently failed to
articulate any policy about basic skills instruction or any concept of what
such programs should include. (By and large, administrators seem relieved to
find any programs to accept their low-performing students. Because they see
themselves as job trainers, vocational educators, or case workers, and not as
adult educators, they don't want to establish their own programs.) We are
particularly concerned with the most common practice of referring individuals
to the adult education system: The extraordinarily high rates of noncompletion
in ABE, the lack of evidence about outcomes, and the fact that most ABE
programs follow conventional skills and drills approaches organized around
completing the GED indicate that the most extensive referrals are being made to
the least effective programs. In contrast, community college programs are in
many cases more extensive, establish more meaningful goals such as entry into
college courses or vocational education, and are much more likely to experiment
with eclectic approaches to teaching.
Our first recommendation, then, is that coordination between remedial
education, on the one hand, and vocational education and job training, on the
other, needs to be more carefully considered. Referrals without tracking
mechanisms and referrals to programs of unknown effectiveness are likely to be
ways of diverting individuals from access to vocational education and job
training, not ways of coordinating the different resources of a community. As
a result, programs providing job training and vocational education--JTPA,
welfare programs, community colleges, technical institutes, and area vocational
schools--should as a matter of federal or state policy establish tracking
mechanisms for individuals they refer elsewhere, establish policies and goals
for the remediation to which they refer individuals, and consider more
carefully whether established programs meet the goals set for remediation. To
be sure, it may be possible to meet these goals in various ways: A community
could establish a centralized clearinghouse, for example,[63] and those areas where a community college provides almost
all adult education and vocational education[64] will find it easier to coordinate remediation as well.
But however it is accomplished, the intent of our first recommendation is to
improve the current situation where referral takes place with little knowledge
of the consequences.
Obviously, the intent of the first recommendation is to require programs to
refer individuals only to adult education programs that are effective, and this
raises the second substantial problem: the task of examining more thoroughly
the effectiveness of remedial programs. The current situation--in which some
programs don't even have enrollment information, most don't keep data on
completion rates, and almost none have even the crudest measures of
outcomes--is one in which there is no way of improving the system because there
is no information about which components work well and which are ineffective.
We recommend, therefore, that resources for evaluation be increased. In
particular, because states are often too small to develop their own evaluation
programs, we recommend that federal agencies--particularly the Departments of
Education, Labor, and Health and Human Services, with their responsibilities
for the federal ABE program, vocational education, JTPA, and JOBS--take more
seriously the task of evaluating remedial and adult education. Such evaluation
should take two forms: the support of sophisticated evaluations, including
those using randomized assignment and multiple approaches to remediation, in
designs that would address which approaches are most effective for which
individuals; and the development of smaller-scale, less sophisticated
evaluation mechanisms that can help individual programs judge whether their
students and clients are making adequate progress.
The lack of evaluation in developmental and remedial education is one of the
most common complaints over the past twenty years (Roueche, 1968; Roueche &
Snow, 1977; J. E. Roueche, 1983), and it is not clear why our recommendation
for improved evaluation should make any more difference than the previous
appeals. However, several developments make the problem of evaluation even
more urgent now than it has been in the past. One is simply that the magnitude
of the problem has continued to increase, and the funds being spent on
remediation are clearly enormous (though unknown with any precision)--and the
underlying causes show no signs of abating. Second, while the majority of
funding for remediation comes from state governments, the role of the federal
government has clearly increased with the resources in the ABE program, those
in the Vocational Education Act used for developmental education, the shift in
the priorities of JTPA toward individuals with more skill deficiencies, the
establishment of JOBS, and the new workplace literacy programs funded by the
Department of Education. The expansion of federal funding suggests a new
responsibility in evaluation to make sure these funds and the state resources
they leverage are not badly spent.
To be sure, the recommendation to improve evaluation is itself fraught with
conceptual and technical problems. The technical difficulties include the
usual issues that arise in devising evaluations of programs for which
noncompletion is high, control groups are difficult to establish, selection
effects (e.g., the tendency for more motivated individuals to enter programs)
are powerful, and long-term results may differ substantially from short-term
gains. But these pale before an obvious conceptual hurdle: Evaluation
requires defining and measuring the outcomes of a program, and defining
appropriate outcomes involves the deepest debates about what literacy entails
and what this country wants of remedial education. Outcomes could be measured
with conventional test scores or attainment of the GED, for example; but this
outcome defines literacy and numeracy in terms of narrowly defined skills and
reinforces pedagogies based on skills and drills. Those advocating whole
language approaches have developed quite different forms of assessment, using
open-ended questions, conversations between teachers and students, portfolios,
self-evaluation, and other techniques still in early stages of development[65]--but these methods cannot be coded and
quantified as standardized tests can. Outcomes could be measured by the
success of individuals in subsequent or concurrent job training; but students
in remedial programs may have different goals or may have trouble in job
training for reasons that have little to do with their command of basic skills.
Similarly, it is tempting to measure effectiveness in terms of subsequent
employment, earnings, welfare dependency, mobility up career ladders, employer
satisfaction, and other measures of labor market success, but doing so assumes
that the economic consequences of programs are more important than other
effects, and variations in labor markets create problems in comparing programs
in different areas. Those who have discussed literacy have elaborated what its
purposes are, developing conceptions of "multiple literacies" in different
contexts that further complicate the measurement of outcomes.
Indeed, the most difficult questions we raise in the next section are those
about purpose, and it is logically impossible to carry out evaluations without
resolving these questions--at least partially. However, the issue of
evaluation is much too important for us to wait until we as a nation have
decided what we want from remedial programs. The only solution to the
conundrum of how to evaluate programs whose purposes we have not adequately
defined is to begin developing evaluations with many outcome measures,
including those from different ideological positions and pedagogical
traditions. Only with such multi-dimensional evaluations will it be possible
to move toward a better understanding of what different programs can and cannot
accomplish.
Finally, the issue of evaluation raises again the question of pedagogy. Our
third recommendation is that those with influence over remedial
programs--policymakers, administrators, teachers, researchers, evaluators--need
to confront the issue of appropriate pedagogy. As we argued in Section Three,
"The Nature of Effective Programs: The Conventions and the Structure of Skills
and Drills," the usual evaluations--which compare a particular program's
members to a control group that receives no remediation to determine whether
the program has any effect (usually on test scores)--pose the question in a way
that the only decision can be to continue or abolish the program. If
evaluations are to be useful for improvement, however, they must compare
alternative approaches and pedagogies--different student-teacher ratios,
different intensities, different mixes of individual and group instruction,
different mixes of computer-based components, alternatives to skills and
drills, different uses of functional context training, and different kinds of
eclectic approaches. Improvement of remedial programs and the evaluation that
would help improvement need to consider pedagogy more seriously than has been
true in the past.
Here, too, there is an obvious barrier. Policymakers, administrators, and
most researchers contributing to national policy debates typically don't
discuss pedagogical issues. They have different training than teachers; they
have different concerns, often far removed from the classroom. The past eight
years of debate over education has failed even to raise the question of whether
teaching methods are appropriate.[66] Above
all, teaching methods have always been nearly impervious to the control of
administrators and policy-makers. If careful evaluation did confirm, for
example, that methods based on skills and drills are ineffective for some
students and for certain educational goals, then it would be difficult to force
programs to adopt different methods by using the conventional regulatory
mechanisms of policy. A much more elaborate process of revising teacher
training programs, changing certification requirements, eliminating the now
familiar assessment mechanisms (standardized tests, for example) that encourage
skills and drills, and promoting good practice by demonstration and example
would be necessary.
But, unfamiliar as it is, we see no way to evade the issue of pedagogy. The
prima facie case against the skills and drills methods that dominate
remedial education is too powerful to ignore. The high dropout rates, the many
reports of student dislike and boredom, the lack of any substantial evidence
that programs work all outweigh the occasional hopeful stories about
individuals who have succeeded in the system. The logic of using a method
which has previously failed many adults in remedial programs--individuals who
have not learned basic academic competencies through eight to twelve years of
conventional schooling--is incomprehensible. The ambitions of most skills and
drills programs--which hope only to get their students through arithmetic
operations with fractions and decimals, through reading for simple
comprehension only, through writing a simple paragraph, through a GED exam with
uncertain consequences--are painfully limited, especially in a period when
national pundits and business interests are calling for "higher-order" skills.
These three issues--coordination, effectiveness, and pedagogy--are tightly
linked. The appropriate coordination among vocational education, job training,
and remedial education programs cannot take place without evidence about
effectiveness. Better information about effectiveness cannot be developed
without considering alternative pedagogies, and the actions necessary to
improve programs will need to consider how to put different teaching methods
into place.
A great deal of improvement in remedial and development education programs is
possible without settling the overarching issue of purpose. Ultimately,
however, the programs we as a nation implement depend on decisions, explicit or
implicit, about goals. Eventually, then, we must confront the ambiguities
raised in Section One and decide what capacities are necessary for adults in
our society and what institutions are responsible for passing them on.
If the problem is one of deficiencies in basic skills--defined as the capacity
to do arithmetic, to read simple passages for comprehension, and to carry out
simple writing tasks such as filling in applications and forms--then the goals
of remedial programs are relatively simple. To be sure, the methods for
attaining these goals remain unclear; the efficacy of skills and drills remains
to be determined, and the many alternatives, including functional context
training, still need to be assessed; but at least the intended outcomes can be
readily measured.
The first complexity is to consider whether the issue is less one of basic
skills than of work habits. The volume of complaints about the lack of
discipline, tardiness, and absenteeism among employees has increased, and many
education and training programs have introduced "employability skills" into
their curriculum. But when we shift the focus of remediation from basic
academic skills to work-related behavior, the outcomes--presumably behavior on
the job defined as appropriate by the employer--are affected by much more than
prior training, including motivation, wages, working conditions, and the nature
of supervision. The real issue is not whether training programs can teach
individuals to show up on time, work diligently, and obey their supervisors in
jobs with decent earnings, good working conditions, stable employment, and
reasonable rules. Instead, the question is whether they can induce such good
behavior in the low-wage jobs, with unstable employment and little intrinsic
satisfaction, for which short-term programs like JTPA and welfare programs (and
some short-term vocational education as well) prepare people. There may in
fact be a serious problem with the discipline of the labor force, as with the
discipline of students in schools; but if remedial programs are asked to be
accountable for behavior which has many other causes outside their control,
then it becomes imperative to face the limits of what education and training
can do.
Raising the question of work discipline leads to yet another complexity. Work
habits are not essentially cognitive skills in the sense that the skills and
drills approach assumes reading and math to be; they involve interpersonal
behavior. Similarly, the recent reports calling for greater capacities in
listening, negotiation, the ability to work cooperatively in groups, and other
interpersonal skills are raising questions about skills that again are not
cognitive, but involve interaction with others. Here is where the skills and
drills approach--with its emphasis on individual and decontextualized learning,
sometimes, as in the case of computer-based programs, without any interaction
whatsoever with other people--is at the greatest disadvantage because there is
absolutely nothing in these methods that develops interpersonal skills. The
alternatives to skills and drills, on the other hand, insist that knowledge
cannot be divorced from its social setting and that it requires interpersonal
interaction to make sense of anything; these approaches, therefore, have
substantial advantages in teaching interpersonal capacities. If the basic
problem in this country is the interaction of individuals at work, then our
fundamental approach to education in general, as well as remedial education in
particular, must be abandoned in favor of teaching methods that stress rather
than eliminate interpersonal dimensions.
But we can complicate the problem even further. If the challenge is, as A
Nation at Risk stated, a need for the New Basics, or if the United States
requires a set of "foundation skills" at "world-class levels" to confront the
stark choice between "low wages or high skills," then low levels of cognitive
skills are insufficient. In this case, the goals of current remedial
programs--which typically aim to increase test scores by one or two grade
levels, or to prepare their students to pass the GED--are woefully inadequate,
and the elementary and secondary education system itself must be completely
remade because only a small fraction of its students complete twelve years of
schooling with good command of the New Basics or foundation skills. At this
point, of course, it becomes necessary to confront the inadequacy of resources
in the existing remedial system: The fiscal limitations which have plagued
adult education, JTPA, and welfare programs and the time limitations imposed on
remedial programs have undermined programs with even limited ambitions, and are
clearly inadequate once we escalate the demands we place on our education and
training system.
If we acknowledge that much higher levels of cognitive capacities may be
necessary, there is an interpersonal and behavioral dimension as well. If, as
some commentators and commission reports have claimed, the problem is a lack of
judgement on the part of workers, then we are in serious trouble.
Judgement--which requires the ability to weigh conflicting purposes and to
evaluate the relative importance of economic, moral, political, and
interpersonal demands on any particular decision--requires the most subtle
combination of cognitive and interpersonal capacities. It is hard to know how
to train for judgement, especially in a system which strips any initiative and
responsibility from the lower levels of education and training. Furthermore,
the failures in judgement are ubiquitous: If the low- and middle-level workers
of this country seem to lack judgement, so do our political and business
leaders whose exploits of dishonesty, greed, poor business decisions, and
simple selfishness have accelerated over the past two decades to the detriment
of politics and business alike. If good judgement is what we are after, we
have a long way to go.
A final complexity involves the question of who should benefit from reforms.
If we take many recent commission reports at face value, the major challenge is
to enhance the productivity of the labor force in relatively low-skilled jobs.
That is, employers should be the major beneficiaries of enhanced
education and training in the form of higher productivity, rather than
employees gaining through higher wages or more stable employment, or a greater
capacity for political participation, or enhanced capacities as parents or
neighbors. This, in turn, leads to the current situation: As we discuss
Workplace Basics: The Skills Employers Want, we generate long lists of
the skills required in employment and introduce relatively narrow and
employment-specific forms of training. In this discussion, what individuals
want from adult education and remedial education is nowhere considered. In the
first instance this represents a simple inequity, since the interests of
employers are represented but those of employees are not. But it also suggests
a source of ineffectiveness as well, since it violates a given of adult
education--that programs must meet the needs of adults if they are to be
effective. Since so many of the skills and capacities required in the labor
force--including work-appropriate behavior, cooperation and teamwork, and
judgement--involve motivation, it is difficult to promote the interests of
employers through narrow training programs while denying the interests of
employees. Over the long run, overly specific training or remedial programs
that fail to meet the needs of those enrolled will suffer high dropout rates
and low enrollment rates--like many current programs--and will serve the
interests of no one. Such programs will fail to provide a labor force adequate
to the demands of the future, requiring another generation to invest in their
own round of reform.
If we take seriously the current storm of interest in the education and
training of the labor force, then, we must move beyond the remedial programs
concentrating on simple arithmetic and reading that we now have. Instead, we
must contemplate much more sophisticated reforms that reshape the K-12
education system as well as remedial programs, that change the nature of
teaching throughout the system, and that provide much more intensive forms of
education to larger fractions of the population than is now the case. This is,
of course, a huge undertaking, and one whose cost has not been considered in
any way. Such a proposal seems unrealistic in a period when the federal
government continues to run enormous deficits, and when most state governments
are facing fiscal constraints of their own, and for this reason alone the
question of purpose is one whose resolution will be a long time coming.
But such issues are decided every time a decision about remediation is made.
The plans to extend yet another skills and drills adult education program, to
experiment within a community college developmental education program, to fund
a new program of workplace literacy programs without considering their pedagogy
or requiring substantial evaluation, or to establish an experimental program
following the whole language approach--all these plans embody implicit
decisions about purposes. The current system of remediation is one in which
there has been an implicit decision to aim for a low level of skill improvement
in simple reading and arithmetic, to prepare individuals for entry-level jobs
at close to the minimum wage--jobs which cannot realistically make them
self-sufficient. This is a goal that--as far from attainment as it is--is
still severely limited compared to the ambitions that have been established by
recent commission reports calling for a world-class workplace. As a nation, we
need to confront these decisions about purposes explicitly, rather than leaving
them to the whims of convention and financing. The simpler issues of
coordination, evaluation, and pedagogy cannot be fully resolved until we do so.
[62] Many of our recommendations are
consistent with those of Chisman (1989), though his recommendations do not
stress the issues of evaluation and pedagogy as strongly as we do.
[63] In a sense, a structure for doing this
has been created in places where there has been an effort to centralize all
employment and training funds and to allocate them among providers in a
rational way. This has been done, for example, in Hartford, and it was the
intent behind the Massachusetts effort to establish centralized control over
education and training funds in Massachusetts; see Grubb et al. (1990).
[64] See for example, the model in which the
community college dominates all vocational education and job training in Grubb
and McDonnell (1991).
[65] See, for example, Goodman, Goodman, and
Hood (1989); see also the sharp interchange between McKenna, Miller, and
Robinson (1990) and Edelsky (1990) on the need for evaluation of whole language
approaches and the form such an evaluation might take.
[66] The only partial exception involves the
discussion of teacher professionalism. Professionalized teachers would have
more autonomy to develop their own methods, and so professionalism is
consistent with novel approaches to teaching--but those in favor of greater
professionalism (e.g., Holmes Group, 1986) have never clarified how greater
autonomy will lead to different and improved teaching.
| Grubb, W. N., Kalman, J., Castellano, M., Brown, C., & Bradby, D. (1991). Readin', writin' and 'rithmetic one more time: The role of remediation in vocational education and job training (MDS-309). Berkeley: National Center for Research in Vocational Education, University of California. |
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