Flaxman, E., Guerrero, A., & Gretchen, D. (1999). Career development effects of career magnets versus comprehensive schools (MDS-803). Berkeley: National Center for Research in Vocational Education, University of California.

THE EDUCATIONAL BENEFITS OF MAGNET SCHOOLS

Numerous studies already point to the benefits of magnet schools. In general, magnet schools have been found to increase student achievement, student motivation and satisfaction with school, teacher motivation and morale, and parent satisfaction with the school (Blank, 1989; Crain et al., 1992; Gamoran, 1996; Heebner, 1995; Metz, 1986; Musumecci & Szczypkowski, 1991). Almost all the studies reviewed by Blank (1989) show that average test scores of students in magnet schools are higher than scores for non-magnet schools.

But the label of "magnet school" is applied to schools which can be considerably different in purpose, curriculum, pedagogy, and standards; for example, in some school districts, highly selective academic high schools, schools with programs for students with particular talents, reduced size elementary and middle schools with a particular focus, and alternative schools for students with academic and behavior problems may all be called magnet schools. These schools may differ in entrance requirements and selection criteria; even more, they may attract students (and their parents) interested and motivated enough to act to take advantage of an opportunity to attend a magnet school, often at a great geographical distance. Several studies of large numbers of students in many schools--studies which were designed to overcome the selection bias usually raised about the results of research on magnet schools--offer evidence of their success. In a longitudinal study of over 1,000 students in four school districts, Musumecci and Szczypkowski (1991) found that those who spent a longer period of time in magnet schools had a better promotion rate and enrolled in more college prep courses than those who spent only a relatively brief period of time. In general, on all measures of academic success, behavior, attendance, and participation in school activities, the long-term magnet school students outperformed their short-term (or non-magnet) counterparts.

Crain et al. (1992) studied the career magnet high schools which enrolled almost a third of the students in the high schools in a large city, who were admitted by lottery. They compared the lottery winners--those who attended the career magnet high schools who might not otherwise without the lottery--with the lottery losers--those who attended comprehensive high schools, likely in their own neighborhoods. They found that the students planning to attend career magnet high schools were less likely to drop out during the transition to high school, made greater gains in reading, and earned more credits toward graduation than their comprehensive school counterparts. The academically weakest students, those with the lowest test scores, did not succeed, however. But in a related study of the lottery winners and losers, Crain and Thaler (1999) found that comprehensive high schools proportionally are graduating four students for every three graduated from a career magnet high school. The authors suggest, paradoxically, that this may be due to the high standards in the traditional academic subjects in the career magnet high schools, which do not have sufficient resources for remedial services.

In other studies, Gamoran (1996), in estimating the educational effects of magnet schools, comprehensive schools, and Catholic schools, found that for the average student magnet schools appear to produce higher achievement in reading and social studies. Finally, a national study of magnet schools by Blank, Dentler, Baltzell, and Chabotar (1983) showed that 80% of the magnet schools had average reading and math achievement scores that were above their district's average. These were studies of many different kinds of magnet schools, not just academic career magnets with random selection procedures. Some highly selective or desirable schools which students and their parents actively chose may have been included in the sample.

For many, then, career magnet high schools are thought to have the potential to positively affect measurable educational outcomes, such as student grades and scores on standardized tests, but there are other academic benefits as well: students in career magnet high schools have better attendance records, earn more credits toward graduation, and think in more sophisticated ways about their career futures than their counterparts in comprehensive high schools (Blank, 1989; Crain et al., 1992; Heebner, 1995).

The shortcomings of many urban comprehensive schools signal why many educators hope career magnet high schools will be more successful in educating urban youth. Comprehensive high schools typically lack specific programs of study and offer little academic counseling, leading to students' lack of engagement with schoolwork. What follows is weak performance and discipline problems, resulting in a poor and sometimes an unsafe climate for learning (Gamoran, 1996). The traditional curriculum of the comprehensive high school often seems irrelevant to many students, and many of their teachers agree that the curriculum is excessively academic (Crain et al., 1992). Many comprehensive high school students do not understand the connection between school and the rest of their lives and do not see school as contributing to their future well-being by improving their occupational chances (Alpert & Dunham, 1986; Hendrix, Sederberg, & Miller, 1990; Valverde, 1987).

It is thought that by meeting students' career as well as academic needs, a career magnet school can make education meaningful and motivate students to learn more in their academic classes because they are spending a part of their day learning material relevant to a possible future (Crain et al., 1992). One should not assume, however, that high expectations for academic work are not the norm in a school with a career-oriented curriculum (Crain & Thaler, 1999). Students in career magnets see academic as well as career-related course material as more relevant and, therefore, tend to take more classes, work harder, and learn more (Gamoran, 1996). The culture of the school supports this behavior. With the importance of higher education in the United States, it would be difficult to recruit students to a career magnet high school at the beginning of high school if attending meant jeopardizing the option of attending college later (Heebner, 1995).

In addition to increasing student motivation, career magnet high schools can encourage students to stay in school. Heebner (1995) found there was a lower dropout rate among lottery winners in medium and high reading-test-score groups in public career magnet high schools in a large city, but, importantly, not in the lowest. Similarly, studies in Rochester, New York, and New York City comparing career magnet high school attendance with district averages generally found higher attendance at career magnets (New York City Public Schools, 1988; Rochester City School District, 1988). In their analysis of a magnet school system in a large city, Crain et al. (1992) explain why this may be the case; for example, career magnet programs that provide more hands-on computer work encourage student attendance among those students with average reading scores, and programs with strong placement efforts encourage students with poor reading scores to stay in school, although not always successfully.

The social and economic problems of families add an additional educational burden to the problems of educating urban youth. Students who come from poor families face a host of academic and career challenges. Living in poverty is associated with low academic achievement, an increased risk of dropping out of school, and a decreased chance of pursuing postsecondary education (Entwisle, 1990; Stedman, Salganik, & Celebuski, 1988; Velez, 1989). These conditions seriously constrain the job entrant's options in the labor market. What is more, although economically at-risk students have educational and occupational aspirations similar to those of students from higher socioeconomic backgrounds, at-risk students, particularly in traditional, comprehensive high schools, are less well-prepared to pursue their educational and occupational objectives (Mortimer, Dennehy, & Lee, 1992).

This is so for a number of reasons. At-risk students have feelings of less self-efficacy than other youth. Poor students also feel that they would be less likely to have a job they enjoy, or that pays well, and less likely to own a home. They also report less intrinsic motivation to do schoolwork (Mortimer et al., 1992). Students living in impoverished circumstances may also not receive the same level of parental support as more advantaged youth. The social support network and economic resources of minority and low socioeconomic status students are too often not conducive to building and sustaining college aspirations (Hotchkiss & Borow, 1996).

A large share of the estimated twenty million young Americans who do not include college attendance in their plans are from the disadvantaged sector of the youth population. For young adults without a college degree, job opportunities are shrinking, real earnings are declining, and prospects for unemployment are greater (Hotchkiss & Borow, 1996). Given parents' economic difficulties, high-risk students may not find educational and vocational guidance in their homes (Mortimer et al., 1992). These are the students that are largely enrolled in comprehensive urban high schools, with few educational options, except a career magnet high school, since private schooling is not economically feasible.

This study was designed to determine the effects of attending such a career magnet high school on these students, who otherwise would have attended a comprehensive high school. Particularly, it examined the differential impact of the curriculum and instruction in the school, students' extracurricular experiences, work experiences while in school after graduation, peer relationships while in school, and family attitudes toward schooling on the postsecondary education and career development of the graduates of the career magnet and comprehensive high schools.

Flaxman, E., Guerrero, A., & Gretchen, D. (1999). Career development effects of career magnets versus comprehensive schools (MDS-803). Berkeley: National Center for Research in Vocational Education, University of California.