This literature review provides the conceptual framework that has guided the
inquiry. Its basic thrust is to locate the problem of workplace literacy in
the wider discourse of education for economic competitiveness in the new global
economy. Changes in the nature of work, concomitant changes in the kinds of
capabilities that workers are now expected to bring to the workplace, and the
resulting need for education and training institutions to rethink their
curricular and instructional premises and strategies are discussed. What the
role and the response of vocational institutions in particular ought to be in
this quest to upgrade the literacy skills of workers is examined. Because
adult literacy is by nature a politically sensitive construct, a purpose of the
review was to help uncover issues and variables with which one must contend in
trying to gain a deep, balanced understanding of the problem in the context of
workplaces. One such issue is the problem of defining what is meant by
workplace literacy. Another is the question as to whether jobs are becoming
more or less complex. Yet another is the correlation between societal levels
of literacy and SES.
To come to terms with these issues, and also to suggest anchoring points for
the inquiry, the review examines (1) the global economy and economic
competitiveness as context for worker education and training, (2) the changing
nature of work and new skill requirements of workers, (3) problems in defining
workplace literacy, (4) what works in workplace literacy programs, (5)
evaluating existing workplace literacy programs, and (6) vocational education
and the changing workplace.
Education and training systems have emerged as key variables in the quest by the industrialized countries to gain a competitive edge in the new global economy. A recent monograph sponsored by the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) (Benton & Noyelle, 1992) speaks of the changing conception of literacy, from the goal of civic participation to that of economic performance. The study points out that this change "responds to important shifts in the nature of the world economy and related changes in the organization and sectoral distribution of jobs" (p. 13). Regarding the more specific question of the correlation of skills and economic performance in the new global economy, the study sets forth the following:
Most observers of the economy would agree that the middle of the 1970s marked a shift from the post-war Fordist era, characterized by the domination of mass production and the vertically integrated firm to an era of more intense global competition involving more complex and more flexible production networks. This shift has had important implications for the organization of work. Within firms, the Fordist approach centered on the pursuit of a highly fragmented division of labor and the breakdown of work into sets of simple, easy to learn tasks so that workers could be interchangeable or, for that matter, could be replaced by machinery. Facing more competitive, more fragmented, and highly volatile markets, many firms in the late 1970s and especially the 1980s responded by altering the structure of production in order to emphasize quality, diversification, customization, timeliness, rapid innovation, and customer service. Although sustaining high levels of productivity remains critical, the quality of work exacted from employees has become at least as important as the quantity. Not surprisingly, it is now widely recognized that firms face intense pressures to enhance the skill level of the workforce. (p. 13)
Thurow (1992) points out in his book, Head to Head, that in the new global economy, unlike in the past, countries do not necessarily become rich because they possess abundant raw materials. Natural resources have virtually dropped out of the competitive equation, he argues. What assumes primacy now are new technologies--more process than product technologies. And, according to Thurow, in the next century "the education and skills of the workforce will end up being the dominant competitive weapon" (p. 40). Elaborating, he points out the following:
In the century ahead, natural resources, capital, and new-product technologies are going to rapidly move around the world. People will move--but more slowly than anything else. Skilled people become the only sustainable competitive advantage.
If the route to success is inventing new products, the education of the smartest 25% of the labor force is critical.... If the route to success is being the cheapest and best producer of products, new or old, the education of the bottom 50% of the population moves to center stage. This part of the population must staff those new processes. If the bottom 50% cannot learn what must be learned, new high-tech processes cannot be employed. (p. 52)
Thurow argues that the quality of the team affects the overall income. He points to the way the noncollege-bound are catered to in Germany through the dual apprenticeship system. The Germans are not the best educated, he argues, but they are the world's best in the range of mid-level, noncollege skills. He argues that, "In the end the skills of the bottom half of the population affect the wages of the top half" (p. 56). American firms, Thurow argues, spend less on training than do Japanese or German firms. When they do, the emphasis is on managerial and supervisory skills. Thus, skilled workers are not as ready to adapt to the new breakthrough technologies.
Though they probably lag behind their Japanese and German counterparts in terms of the depth of investment in worker training, there is recent evidence of increasing commitment in American companies toward such training (e.g., Benton, Bailey, Noyelle, & Stanback, 1991; Carnevale, Gainer, Villet, & Holland, 1990; Eurich, 1985; Fowler, 1992; Gordon, Ponticell, & Morgan, 1991; Merex Corporation, 1991). This increasing commitment clearly comes from an awareness of the burgeoning importance of human capital in the global economic environment. Eurich (1985) notes in the following that education has come to be seen as a business need:
Gradually major companies are making human resource investments just as they would make capital investments--in essential education and training that will give employees skills, knowledge and attitudes that will make them more productive and competitive.... If America is to be an effective international competitor, then innovation, vitality, and effective training of the workforce are key ingredients. (pp. 2, 3)
However, skilled capability is but one (though a very important) variable in the international competitiveness equation. Training is not a panacea that can be expected to solve competitiveness difficulties. Benton et al. (1991) point out that training must be blended with larger goals such as promoting a work environment that is supportive of lifelong learning and adopting a posture that is responsive to change. Benton et al. also point out that those adults with the poorest education do not even make it into the workforce. This observation shifts the capability focus from the workplace to the school system.
Many employers believe that the basic skills deficiencies they now witness in the workplace are the result of faulty schooling (e.g., Gordon et al., 1991; Lee, 1988). Gordon et al. (1991), for example, argue that it is the school system that has failed to produce a skilled workforce. They speak of the "progressive failure" of American schools, reflected in the high illiteracy rates among adult workers who are high school graduates. They complain that schools are out of touch with the world of work and competition:
Public schooling objectives still focus largely on industry-based skills: read, write, count, add, subtract, multiply, divide, spell, punctuate, comprehend and communicate. Success in information technologies and service occupations depends on an entirely different set of skills: diagnose, determine, estimate, obtain information, organize information, identify alternatives, analyze, plan, coordinate, work collaboratively, implement and monitor. (p. 6)
But while the demands of the new global economy have raised the level of
concern regarding literacy levels in the workforce, there is no clear consensus
that the education and skill requirements of jobs are significantly increasing.
While many new jobs in the economy require higher levels of education, many
others do not. There is some contention as to whether jobs are being
upskilled, deskilled, or some combination thereof, referred to as "mixed"
effects (e.g., Form, 1987; Spenner, 1985). Using workforce trend data,
Rumberger (1981), and more recently Hadlock, Hecker, and Gannon
(1991)--provides support for deskilling and mixed effects, pointing to a
decline in jobs that require higher education. On the other hand, Bailey
(1991) points to a steady increase in jobs in the economy requiring higher
education. The view remains that credentials act merely as screens in the
labor market, having no substantive link with jobs (Berg, 1970).
Just what the skill needs of employers are is an unresolved issue. The
Commission on Skills of the American Workforce (1990) found that the primary
concern of 80% of employers was not the literacy needs of workers, but, rather,
finding workers with a good work ethic and good social skills. Just 5% of
employers felt that the education and skill requirements of jobs were
increasing significantly. This finding seemed not to fit with much of the
rhetoric issuing from business and industry and official circles.
While there remains contention as to whether or not the education requirements of jobs are increasing, or whether or not employers are truly concerned about decreased levels of literacy in the skill pool, the policy perspective has been that there is need for federal intervention and leadership on these questions (e.g., Barton & Kirsch, 1990; Chisman, 1989; Chisman & Campbell, 1990). Barton and Kirsch (1990) conclude that a large gap exists between the literacy skills of a large proportion of young adults and the needs of workplaces--with the problem being particularly acute among minority populations. They call for immediate action on the part of the state. That the federal government has been responsive is evident in the passage of the National Literacy Act of 1991, and in the funding provided via the National Workplace Literacy Program.
As can be gleaned from the discussion above, a central feature of the new
global economy is that mass production is yielding to flexible production. An
increasing number of workers must now possess multiple skills and must be able
to change as production requirements change (e.g., Bailey, 1989; Bailey &
Noyelle, 1988; Berryman, 1988; Wallace, 1989). In an insightful treatment of
this issue, Wallace (1989) places technology at the heart of the workplace
revolution. Speaking of a "brave new workplace," he points to the dominance of
the microchip and the personal computer in the new economy. Information itself
has become a product, he argues, because of the capability of these devices to
assemble, store, and retrieve large amounts of data. Computer and micro-based
technologies make possible "high-flex workplaces" featuring flexible,
specialized production systems as opposed to standardized mass production
systems. These changes have varying effects. One clear conclusion is that
technological change is disruptive. As to effect on education, Wallace
predicts volatile careers with multiple detours. What really are the skill
requirements of the new workplace? Wallace says that a college degree will
probably be the prerequisite for most good jobs. But for a host of reasons,
the degree will continue to be out of the reach of many. In any case, most
jobs will have more modest educational demands, but these demands are changing,
and, contentions aside, seem more than ever to be requiring a basic skills
foundation.
In the Secretary's Commission on Achieving Necessary Skills (SCANS) (1991)
report, for example, the demands of workplaces upon schools are said to include
a foundation of basics inclusive of the three Rs, thinking skills, and personal
qualities. Arguing that there is a clear link between basic skills in the
workforce and economic competitiveness, Carnevale, Gainer, and Meltzer (1988)
set forth their own version of the skills that employers want. These skills
included learning to learn, the three Rs, communication, creative
thinking/problem solving, self-esteem/goal setting, motivation/personal and
career development, interpersonal skills, and organizational
effectiveness/leadership. In an elaboration on these ideas, Carnevale (1991)
distinguishes between "academic basics"--reading, writing, and computation--and
other basics. He claims that, on average, American workers spend from 1.5 to 2
hours daily reading a variety of materials (i.e., forms, charts) on the job,
and speculates that these reading requirements will "increase and deepen
because the growing complexity and scale of global economic activity will
require more written communication" (p. 108). Carnevale points to some general
trends in the nature of work such as the shift from specific to general skills,
the shift from concrete to abstract skills, and the primacy of social skills
such as self-esteem and self-awareness.
An important point made by Carnevale et al. (1988), and touched upon by Barton and Kirsch (1990) and Benton et al. (1991), is that not all of the workforce lack basic skills. However, there are pockets where the problem is chronic. Carnevale et al. (1988) note that
The educated and trained half of the American workforce competes well with the white-collar and technical elites of its economic rivals. But the other half of the workforce is not as well prepared, and this is where the U.S. is losing the competitive race. (p. 7)
In Carnevale et al.'s (1988) study, distinguishing characteristics of those with low basic skills included (1) having frequent arrests, (2) being an unwed mother, (3) being welfare-dependent, (4) being a high-school dropout, and (5) being unemployed. As Barton and Kirsch (1990) point out, high percentages of these groups would tend to be minorities, a fact which adds a degree of complexity to the issue from the standpoint of social policy.
Because the new workplace is said to call for a variety of skills, one must
speak in terms of the literacies required for successful performance
therein. There must, of course, be the academic basics--reading, writing, and
mathematics. But as discussed previously, there is now a need for oral
communication skills, for the skill of working in teams, problem solving
skills, and so on. Since reading is so ubiquitous across workplaces and jobs,
it has loomed large in the discourse on workplace literacy, and must be dealt
with in order to come to terms with the meaning of workplace literacy.
Outside of the workplace, reading ability has often been used as an index of
literacy. But reading in the context of one's job must be taken differently
from reading at school. What, then, is workplace literacy?
Seeking to define literacy in the context of workplaces, Sticht (1988)
distinguishes between general and specific literacy. General literacy (e.g.,
vocabulary and arithmetic operations) correlates with how much education one
has acquired. Specific literacy proficiency is confined to circumscribed
realms (e.g., electronics). Sticht reports that people with high levels of
general literacy are more likely to make use of their literacy skills at work
and to perform better on work-related tests than those less literate. Specific
literacy or knowledge adds an increment of reading proficiency to those low in
literacy skills. Practice also improves reading level for a specific task.
Specific literacy may offset low general literacy. In other words, the
workplace could mediate one's level of reading proficiency.
On the specific question of links between literacy and vocational competence, Sticht (1978) asserts that there is a clear relationship between reading ability and the reported use of reading skills rather than listening and languaging (or auding) skills. According to Sticht's study, more able readers were more likely to use print medium to complete work-related tasks. Use of reading increased as one's reading skill increased Furthermore, the use of print led to jobs being performed more accurately. Sticht concludes the following:
If, by vocational competence, we mean the ability to perform job-tasks with high degrees of accuracy, then these findings suggest that the acquisition of reading [skills] may serve to augment the seeking of job information over that which personnel do by auding, and that the propensity to seek job information from printed sources may pay dividends in terms of improved vocational competence. (p. 9)
Sticht identifies two kinds of reading tasks: (1) reading to do and
(2) reading to learn. The former serves as an external memory and tends
to be used much more on job sites than in school.
Diehl and Mikulecky (1980) found that job-related literacy was probably the
most important type of functional literacy. Subjects used reading materials to
perform their jobs, not necessarily because such reading materials were
absolutely essential to performing the job, but because they were available.
About 63% of the reading tasks they observed were reading to do tasks.
The reading was repetitive. They concluded that many jobs that have reading as
a requirement may be unduly discriminatory, based on a false estimation of the
reading demands of the job. They found, too, that on job-related materials,
workers can read up to two grade levels higher than their assessed reading
level. What's needed, then, is an information-rich environment.
After reviewing literacy work for the U.S. Army, Sticht and Mikulecky (1984)
found that in job reading training programs, reading of job materials led to
larger gains than did general reading. From this they assert that "if reading
training is given in a well specified domain, then skill in that domain will
improve" (p. 32). This idea of specific literacy, and of reading to do,
is supported by functional context theory, which posits that biological
circumstances and the context in which learning takes place determine what is
learned, how it is learned, and whether the learning will transfer. According
to Sticht and Hickey (1991), context can be thought of in two
dimensions--the world "outside the head" and that "inside the head." The
former dimension of context refers to one's external environment, including
one's work surroundings. The latter refers to the mind--to one's cognitive
abilities. When fully articulated, functional context theory includes a
developmental model of literacy and a conception of learning as information
processing. Functional context learning requires building new knowledge from
old, dwelling on problems from the environment where the learning is to be
used, and providing opportunities for practice and transfer.
The generalization one can make, therefore, might be that workplace literacy is specific literacy--it is literacy in the functional context of the workplace. But as Park (1992, p. 132) points out, where workplace literacy is concerned, the problem of definition is not easily resolved. And indeed, defining workplace literacy in contextual terms--distinguishing between general and specific literacies--is contentious. For example, Barton and Kirsch (1990) vehemently state that
to envision distinct, separate kinds of literacy that are called upon in isolation from another is not a very useful concept. Specific literacy skills are not things that can be turned on and off in different settings. Life is not so compartmentalized; it is, in fact, a seamless web. All citizens need a broad base of literacy skills to function in the school, in the family, in the community, in the voting booth, and in the workplace. The challenge is to understand how such skills and knowledge in these several contexts are similar, and how they are different, as part of a critical effort to find ways to promote their development. (p. 32)
The idea that literacy should tend to be general--even in the context of workplaces--is the position of trade unions, notably the AFL-CIO. For example, Sarmiento and Kay (1990) posit a worker-centered approach to workplace education and training programs. Such an approach, they argue, "enables workers to fulfill many different kinds of learning objectives--from occupational advancement to self-advancement" (p. 32). We see this controversy in Gowen (1992) who speaks of the resistance of workers to job texts as the sole source of content for their reading (p. 91). Workers wanted to write stories that had meaning beyond their jobs.
Despite the contentions, the generalization most evident in the literature
regarding the definition of workplace literacy, or what constitutes literacy,
is that the skills must be tied to the context (Park, 1990). Enumerating the
characteristics that make for effective workplace literacy programs, Cornell
(1988) suggests that skills should be taught within a "meaningful context" to
ensure transfer, and for the political reason that firms are more likely to
support training if they see its link with training and performance. Park
(1990) suggests that workplace literacy programs should contain two basic
elements: (1) the premise of an assessment of the reading, writing, and math
skills of the employees; and (2) the development of training programs in the
three Rs that could deliver "the basic job skills needed for performance and
job promotion" (p. 9). A study of the first year of the National Workplace
Literacy Program revealed that two factors common to successful programs were
(1) literacy task analyses and (2) instructional materials that were linked to
literacy skills required on the job (Kutner, Sherman, Webb, & Fisher, 1991;
U.S. Department of Education, 1992).
Mikulecky, Henard, and Lloyd (1992) argue that successful programs must be
flexible, and must cater to the needs of a diversity of learners. For example,
basic skills training could be coordinated with several other types of
training, including ESL, GED, functional literacy, and so on (p. 6). To assure
success there must be a systematic study of the job site, including a
collection of work samples, an inspection of job descriptions, task analyses,
and the building of political support (such as collaboration with unions)
(e.g., Kalman & Fraser, 1992; Mikulecky et al., 1992; Park, 1990; U.S.
Department of Education, 1992). However, there are caveats. Mikulecky et al.
(1992) point out that any gains in literacy proficiency are lost in the absence
of opportunity to practice. Park (1992) asserts that links between workplace
literacy instruction and productivity are tenuous. This observation would
certainly hold true for episodic programs. To realize productivity gains
requires time for the accumulation of expertise.
How are workplace literacy programs to be evaluated? From the National
Workplace Literacy Program, several indices of success have been set forth,
gleaned from exemplary projects. They include improved communication, reading,
and math skills; high program completion rates; improved self-confidence; and
increased productivity by some employees (U.S. Department of Education, 1992).
Mikulecky and Lloyd (1992) recommend using a combination of standardized and
customized instruments for evaluation. They suggest, in addition to indices
such as improved reading ability and increased productivity, that improved
family literacy (e.g., parents being able to model literacy practices for their
children) might be an expected outcome of workplace literacy programs.
Just what is evaluated depends upon the literacy philosophy one entertains.
If literacy is seen in purely instrumental terms, then improved productivity
might be the only criterion of relevance. As Park (1992) points out, this is
not an easy criterion to assess. Mechanisms must be put in place to foster
valid and reliable estimation of productivity changes. In their study of the
impact of workplace literacy programs, Mikulecky and Lloyd (1992) utilized
indices such as data on employee attitudes (e.g., absenteeism and grievances
submitted). They also sought to monitor both process (e.g., frequency of use
of job aids) and content (e.g., specific job knowledge) aspects of
productivity.
Because workplace literacy programs invariably issue from a functional,
instrumental need, intrinsic measures such as improved self-confidence or
carry-over into family literacy cannot be expected alone to gain the support of
firms. The case for such measures must be argued by worker representatives
(e.g., Sarmiento & Kay, 1990). What might be needed to make some of the
more intrinsic claims of workplace literacy programs more palatable is
demonstration of how such effects can ultimately redound to the objective
benefit of firms.
That vocational education plays a major role in preparing youth and adults for roles in the workforce cannot be disputed. However, with changes in the workplace and in the nature of work, it has become clear that vocational education, though still having a crucial role, requires a new conceptualization to be relevant to the human capital needs required in the global economy. Workplaces alone cannot meet these needs of the American workforce. Vaughan (1991) argues, "Economic success--internationally and in all our communities--depends on investments in human capital. And vocational education investments play a major role" (p. 448). He notes that employers cannot fill the basic skills gap through training, since "only forty-five percent of high school dropouts receive any occupational training on the job" (p. 448). Vaughan reasons that, "because vocational programs are closely linked to labor markets, they can quickly and economically train displaced workers in skills that are in demand, thus drawing poor people into the economic mainstream" (p. 448).
This sort of reasoning resonates in the provisions of the Carl D. Perkins Vocational and Applied Technology Act of 1990. The purpose of the Perkins Act is
[T]o make the United States more competitive in the world economy by developing more fully the academic and occupational skills of all segments of the population. (American Vocational Association, 1990, p. 49)
This conception of a role for vocational education in preparing the workforce for today's competitive environment is driven in large measure by unfavorable comparisons with trading partners, notably Germany (e.g., U.S. General Accounting Office, 1990). Reflecting on the Perkins Act, Warnat (1991) sets forth that vocational education must become more proactive. It must make the public more aware of its role and potential as "the primary preparer of the nation's world-class work force and where our work force stands in the global economy" (p. 25). But, with the retreat from vocationalism noticeable in American public schools (e.g., Gray, 1991; Wirt, Muraskin, Meyer, & Goodwin, 1989), it cannot be said that there is consensus regarding the nature of vocational education's role. It is clear that vocational education must adjust to the times.
One plank of the Perkins Act is the integration of vocational and academic curricula. The Perkins Act provides funds to support programs that
integrate academic and vocational education in such programs through coherent sequences of courses so that students achieve both academic and occupational competencies.... (American Vocational Association, 1990, p. 86)
Addressing this question, Jennings (1991) offered the following view:
There's little doubt that American students need to boost their academic skills, and Congress believes vocational education has the ability to do just that. (p. 18)
There has been much support for the idea of integration (e.g., Gray, 1991;
Grubb, Davis, Lum, Plihal, & Morgaine, 1991; Rosenstock, 1991; among
others). Many see this thrust as the way to change the course of vocational
education from occupationally specific technical skill development to a more
generic orientation that is premised on a broader conception of the
requirements of today's industry and jobs. There is the view that vocational
classrooms must become more deliberately attuned to workplace basic
skills.
As an example of such a thrust at the level of the classroom, Martinez and
Badeaux (1992) report an increase in academic achievement when mathematics and
English were taught in the context of welding. Feller and Daly (1992) describe
efforts made by counselors to show the relevance of new workplace basics in the
context of vocational education. In their examination of vocational education
classrooms that work, Stasz, Ramsey, Eden, DaVanzo, Farris, and Lewis (1993)
observed generic skills which they classify as "basic enabling skills" (e.g.,
reading, writing, and filling out forms), "complex reasoning skills," and
"work-related skills and attitudes" such as self-esteem and self-management (p.
3).
One of the major funding categories of the Perkins Act is Tech Prep. As set forth in its original conception by Parnell (1985), Tech Prep seeks to articulate the curriculum of the last two years of high school with two years of postsecondary vocational education. It is premised on the integration of vocational and academic content at the "prep" stage, where courses such as mathematics and science are expected to be taught in the functional or applied context of vocational courses. As Gray (1991) points out, the Tech Prep idea now has great legitimacy among vocational educators as a model of the future--as a way to shift secondary vocational education away from occupationally specific training, while providing for transition between schooling and the world of work.
Discourse on the basic skill needs of the American workforce must take into consideration the fact that the demographic character of the workforce is changing. As discussed earlier, there are pockets of low basic skills in the workforce, tending to correlate with social class, race, and ethnicity. Recent immigrants could be expected to have low levels of proficiency in English, which translates into communication difficulties in the workplace. Vocational education has traditionally played a major--if controversial--role in the work life of those at the margins, and is being called upon to play a role in readying immigrants for the workforce by providing them with needed technical skills. In the process, it can offer them a chance to learn English in contexts of jobs. Indeed, vocational education, because of the opportunities it provides for contextual learning and practice, may be a more suitable vehicle for the enculturation of immigrants than regular education. Beyond opportunity for practice, it allows opportunities for transfer of learning (e.g., Housel, 1991; Kidder, 1991).
Vocational education traditionally caters to noncollege-bound students among
whom concentrations of low levels of literacy can be expected. Oakes (1985)
has shown this propensity of vocational education programs to attract minority
and otherwise disadvantaged students. Vocational education attracts
disproportionate numbers of low SES students. But from the discussions above,
it can be seen that many of the clientele who traditionally will be attracted
to vocational education, whether in the secondary or postsecondary sector of
the school system, would likely be the same clientele found to be lacking in
the skills employers want. Sensitive to changing requirements in the
workplace, vocational institutions have increasingly had to take on a remedial
skills role (e.g., Grubb, Dickinson, Giordano, & Kaplan, 1992, p.
118).
Since vocational education is a natural preserve of those communities at the
literacy margin, it cannot help but be at the front lines of the war on
workplace illiteracy. This awareness of vocational education's role--this
need for vocational institutions and programs to reflect literacy more
deliberately--is evident in the more recent literature of the field (e.g.,
Barrick & Buck, 1987; Breeden & Bowen, 1990; Busse, 1992; Ciancio,
1988; Davis, 1988; Dees, 1990; Keeley, 1990; Knell, 1990; McIlvoy, 1989; Pritz,
1988; Seamon & Newcomb, 1990). A central theme is that the three Rs along
with problem-solving, communication, and interpersonal skills, must become the
business of vocational education. Keeley (1990) speaks of finding out through
analysis the academic content of each job. Literacy skills must be documented.
Barrick and Buck (1987) identify eight keys to employability: (1) personal
skills (e.g., honesty and a good self-image), (2) problem-solving and
decision-making skills, (3) relations with others, (4) communication skills,
(5) task-related skills (e.g., completing work on time), (6) maturity, (7) good
health and safety habits, and (8) commitment to the job. Dees (1990) describes
how using computers in vocational instruction to teach basic skills decreased
the dropout rate in a high school vocational program. She speaks of the "basic
skills conundrum," which is that "time spent remediating students with reading
and math deficiencies is time lost to vocational preparation," and, yet,
students need to remedy these deficiencies to meet graduation requirements and
to be successful on the job (p. 30). Ciancio (1988) describes the challenge of
finding methods to teach literacy skills to adults using Principles of the
Alphabet Literacy System (PALS), an IBM solution to the problem. Pritz (1988)
posits that academic skills should be "embedded in vocational tasks" (p.
25)--that vocational and academic skills should not be taught in isolation from
each other. Addressing the problem of workplace literacy directly, and the
role for vocational education, Knell (1990) calls for vocational teachers and
administrators to collaborate with stakeholders (e.g., business leaders,
unions, community representatives, social services, and so on) to deal with the
problem. They could take the lead in the formation of state institutions
constituted solely to deal with the problem. Busse (1992) asserts that what
employers want, and what vocational education must provide, are workers who are
self-confident, intelligent, cooperative, possess technical knowledge, dress
properly, possess good math and reading skills, and have a willingness to be
involved in the company's "entire operation" (p. 47). There is evidence that
vocational education clients understand the need for new basics. A sample of
community college occupational graduates and other former students rated
English as the most important general education course in their associate
degree program. They also rated communication skills and critical thinking
skills as two important clusters of courses (Vogler & Armistead,
1987).
From the very way in which workplace literacy is defined, and the way in which
the problem is framed, a clear role for vocational education seems to be
possible. In the first instance, vocational education, by nature, tends to
teach basic literacy skills in context. Related math and English (e.g.,
welding mathematics and business English) are vocational education staples.
Further, the traditional curricular procedures of the field are consistent with
those posited as being good practice and likely to engender successful
workplace literacy programs (e.g., techniques such as examination of job
descriptions, task analyses, and so on). Another enabling factor would be the
traditional ties with industry and the use of industry sources (typically
advisory committees) to determine content. What is needed now is for
vocational educators to more deliberately emphasize the dimension of literacy.
An example of this is having vocational educators collaborate with reading
specialists to create their curricula (Kakela, 1993).
This conceptual framework sought to establish a link between the new reality of competition in the global economy and increasing calls for literacy in the workforce, then to establish that there must be a role for vocational education. Our review has helped make the case that there is indeed a role for vocational education in readying the workforce for changing times, but that it differs from the traditional technical skill-specific role. Vocational education is in step with the larger discourse on the human resource requirements for competitiveness in the global economy. The need for the inclusion of basic skills in vocational curricula is evident--that is, basic skills broadly conceived to include not just the three Rs, but also problem-solving, interpersonal, and communication skills--however, it is broadly conceived. Because workplace literacy quintessentially thrives in a functional context, and because those deficient in basic literacy skills are more likely to patronize vocational institutions than other institutions, it is imperative that vocational educators come to embrace the new possibilities that these realities present.
The review has helped to crystallize some basic premises or hypotheses that can undergird our approach to the cases. They include (1) that because of its traditional role in the education of disadvantaged populations (a role that is legitimized in the Perkins Act of 1990), and the fact that these populations are the ones that need workplace literacy skills most, vocational education may play a natural role as a workplace literacy provider; (2) that vocational education institutions may have a comparative advantage as a literacy provider because not only do these institutions provide initial job preparation, but they also can provide upgrading preparation to meet the changing nature of jobs and skills and the lifelong learning needs of workers; (3) that vocational education institutions may have a comparative advantage over other providers because of their tradition of working cooperatively with industry to develop workplace-based curricula, and the flexibility they display in so doing; and (4) that vocational education provides a natural vehicle for the teaching of literacy skills within a functional context--for integrating literacy skills with technical content.